Monthly Archives: August 2009

“It’s a good day for civil rights.”

An appeals court in Boston upheld a $102 million verdict in a classic case of police misconduct.  As reported by the AP:

A federal appeals court on Thursday upheld a $102 million judgment against the government for withholding evidence that could have cleared four men who spent decades in prison — including two who died there — for a murder they didn’t commit.

Joseph Salvati, Peter Limone and the families of Henry Tameleo and Louis Greco sued the federal government for malicious prosecution after U.S. District Judge Nancy Gertner ruled in July 2007 that Boston FBI agents withheld evidence they knew could prove the men weren’t involved in the 1965 killing of Edward “Teddy” Deegan, a small-time hoodlum who was shot in an alley.

“While we reject its finding that the government is liable for malicious prosecution, we uphold the court’s alternate finding that the government is liable for intentional infliction of emotional distress,” the 1st U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals said on Thursday. “We conclude that the awards, though high, are not so grossly disproportionate to the harm sustained as to either shock our collective conscience or raise the specter of a miscarriage of justice.”

Read the full story here (AP) and here (Boston Globe).

“The Machinery of Death” in Georgia and Beyond

Over the past week, the death penalty has received considerable media coverage here and across the nation.

First came news that the Georgia Public Defender Standards Council had asked Fulton County to repay the State of Georgia for fees and expenses that were incurred in defending Brian Nichols, the escaped prisoner who went on a murderous rampage in downtown Atlanta, killing a judge, among other public officials.  This comes on the heels of a recent, somewhat critical report in the AJC of the growing cost of Nichol’s legal defense, which I wrote about here.  At the same time, according to the AJC, the State has crafted plans to cut the budget for funding public defenders in Georgia, which could result in furloughs of a month or more.

Over at the Times is a story on the growing number of judges who are writing dissents that are critical of the death penalty and the manner in which it is being imposed.  Here is an excerpt from that article:

In dozens of capital cases in recent years, appeals court judges, some of whom have ruled in favor of the death penalty many times, have complained that Congress and the Supreme Court have raised daunting barriers for death row prisoners to appeal their convictions, and in many cases the judges have taken on their colleagues.

“There is an increasing frustration among federal judges throughout the system,” said Eric M. Freedman, a critic of the death penalty who teaches on the subject at Hofstra Law School.

Mr. Freedman predicted that the level of dissatisfaction would increase. “Judges are likely to have less and less patience for being hogtied by legalistic mumbo-jumbo,” he said, “which prevents them from reaching fair results.”

The law that generates much of the judges’ ire is the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996. Since its passage, the act has been cited in a half-dozen to two dozen dissents a year, often in language forceful enough to rival Judge Fletcher’s. The law, championed by legislators who believed prisoners were abusing the federal appeals process, restricts federal court review of state court decisions in death penalty cases and puts strong limits on the ability of condemned prisoners to file habeas corpus petitions to get their cases reconsidered.

The full story is available here.

And today comes news that the Supreme Court has essentially given a reprieve to Troy Davis, who is on death row in Georgia after having been convicted of killing an off-duty police officer.  In an unsigned one-paragraph order, the Supreme Court sent Davis’ case back to the trial court and instructed it to conduct a factual hearing to determine “whether evidence that could not have been obtained at the time of trial clearly establishes [Davis'] innocence.”  The order was met with a dissent by Justice Scalia (joined by Justice Thomas), in which he says, among other things, that the trial court was being sent on a “fool’s errand.”  Justice Stevens, joined by Justices Breyer and Ginsburg, countered with their own take on the law, stating that “[t]he substantial risk of putting an innocent man to death clearly provides an adequate justification for holding an evidentiary hearing.”

Liptak of The Times has the story here, the AJC, here, and SCOTUS blog, here.

Finally, yesterday saw the start of the trial of Sharon Keller, the Texas judge who is accused of having intentionally denied a death row inmate access to the courts.  For those of you who are unfamiliar with the case, here are the basic facts, as per the Times:

On Sept. 25, 2007, Judge Keller put in a 10-hour workday and went home around 4 p.m. to meet a repairman. That morning the United States Supreme Court had effectively suspended lethal injection as a manner of execution by accepting a challenge to its constitutionality in a Kentucky case.

Largely on the basis of the justices’ action, lawyers for a Texas death row inmate were putting together an appeal to stave off execution. An assigned duty judge was waiting at the courthouse for any last-minute appeal on the inmate’s behalf.

Around 4:45 p.m., the general counsel of Judge Keller’s court called her to relate a request to file paperwork after 5 p.m., the usual closing time for the court clerk’s office. Judge Keller replied that the clerk’s office closed at 5 p.m. A few hours later, the inmate was executed.

The full story is here.  Grits for Breakfast provides coverage of the Keller case, links, and some interesting commentary here.

My thoughts on these stories and the general death penalty brouhaha is as follows:

(1) Like most of the hot button issues, those in power who are in a position to effect change (politicians, judges, lawyers, journalists), even those who are opposed to capital punishment, are not likely to take action.  Why?  Because it’s another issue that can be, and has been, used to divide the masses, generate controversy, etc., which, in turn, means these individuals get to maintain their positions of power.

(2) The notion that judges must and do slavishly follow and apply the law is a false one.  The corollary being that there is a moral component to the law.  Is there any other reason why we consistently refer to the Supreme Court as having a liberal and a conservative wing?   Anyone who tells you differently is being disingenuous at best and manipulative at worst.

(3) Criminal defendants and their attorneys are shafted on a regularly basis by everyone and anyone who cannot fathom the reason why people commit crimes in the first place.  Hint: it’s rarely if ever because that person is predisposed to committing criminal acts.

- AW

The Making of a Terrorist

Sketch of Ehsanul Islam Sadequee at Trial courtesy of the AJC

Sketch of Ehsanul Islam Sadequee at Trial courtesy of the AJC

2-for-2.  Congratulations to the law and order types in Atlanta who have thus far had a perfect record in prosecuting and convicting suspected terrorists.  Their first trophy was Syed Riaz Ahmed who was convicted this past June of conspiring to provide material support to terrorists.  Now comes the latest guilty verdict, this one directed at Ehsanul Islam Sadequee, a former friend of Ahmed and now a fellow inmate in the federal penitentiary system for the foreseeable future.

While i I was a clerk in the federal court in Brooklyn, NY, the government tried to and did convict another suspected terrorist, Shahawar Matin Siraj, who, according to the allegations, wanted to blow up the Herald Square subway station in Manhattan.  This case, like many others involving terrorism charges, centered around a government informant who, for all intents and purposes, egged the defendant on and toward more fanciful terroristic conspiracies.  I will never forget what the defense attorney, Martin Stolar, said to the press after the guilty verdict was handed down, making clear that the police, in securing the conviction of the defendant through the use of an informant, did nothing to make the city safer.

I feel no different with the latest string of guilty verdicts here in Atlanta.  True, the government did not use an informant to secure these verdicts.  But, as Don Samuel, the attorney turned legal advisor to Sadequee said, “The more you see these guys [referring to Sadequee and his cohorts], the more you say, ‘You got to be kidding me.  These are just kids.”

Last week, the radio show, This American Life, featured a story on another terrorism related case involving an informant and a hapless defendant which took place in New Jersey.  It’s worth listening to.

- AW

You Have the Right To Remain Silent, You Have the Right to … Wait, Hold that Thought

The Tampa Tribune picked up a story of a memorandum recently circulated within the Tampa Police Department that provides guidelines for officers looking to skirt the protections of Miranda v. Arizona and its familiar set of warnings.  Opponents of the new policy have blasted the Tampa PD, calling it a recipe for violating constitutional rights, while the police describe it as a necessary tool to aid in the investigation of crimes.  In case  you’re wondering, here are some of the suggestions offered in the memorandum as to how police could seek to elicit incriminating statements, Miranda or no Miranda:

•The Miranda warnings must be given at the outset.

•There must have been a sufficient lapse of time between the invocation of the right to remain silent and the resumption of questioning; two hours is enough, perhaps less.

•The second round of questioning should be at a different location/setting.

•The second round of questioning must concern different crime(s).

According to the story, the memo was written in response to a recent Supreme Court decision, which was not named but is mostly likely the one in Kansas v. Ventris.  In Ventris, the Supreme Court ruled that the prosecution may use statements elicited by the police from a defendant for impeachment purposes, i.e., to undermine his credibility ever after the defendant he has invoked his right to counsel.  Scott Greenfield over at Simple Justice had a nice take on the decision which it was first issued.

I am doubtful the new policy being implemented by the Tampa police will actually result in more closed cases.  Such legally dubious tactics rarely do.  What I am fairly certain of, however, is that Tampa defense attorneys will challenge police-initiated interrogations, and the resulting statements, with more frequency, which, in turn, will lead to more litigation and longer delays for criminal defendants looking to have their cases resolved.

Fighting Dirty

You are all probably aware by now of the shooting of former boxing championing Vernon Forrest.  Shortly after the incident, word was leaked that the police arrested two individuals who they believed were involved in the murder.  The extent of either person’s involvement is unknown.  What is clear from reports accompanying the arrest, however, is that neither person was directly involved in the shooting.  Instead of conducting a thorough investigation to determine the exact role each individual played in the murder, however, the police have resorted to its usual tactic of distortion and deception, by outing the names of both individuals with as much fanfare as possible.  It is true that they would have eventually been brought before a judge at which time their identities and stories would have become part of the public record.  But to achieve this result through the backdoor as the police have done makes them no better than the ones they seek to prosecute.  Regardless of the extent of their involvement in the Forrest shooting, these two individuals will now have to contend with the stigma of having been associated with the incident, a stain that will be nearly impossible to remove, particularly in the age of Google and online criminal histories.  And the message being conveyed is clear: some members of our community are of lesser value than others, especially those who are suspected of being involved in criminal activity.  Of course, in parading the arrestees before the media, the police are seeking to reassure the public as to their efforts in prosecuting the case, which, according to conventional wisdom, acts as a security blanket for residents.  Yet all that is debatable: who knows if they police are just willy nilly picking up individuals, preferably ones with long rap sheets, to satisfy the mob mentality of catching someone, anyone, upon whom the crime can be pinned.  (To its credit, the family of Forrest has not taken such a stance and have instead asked for that the shooter surrender.)  And it makes  the community no more safer when cops are simply plucking people off the streets on dubious grounds.

What will happen is that the unjust actions by the police will breed more resentment among those who are already at the brink, which, in turn, will result in more criminal activity.  But don’t just take my word for it.  Take a look around you.  How much safer do you feel?

Taking the Civil Rights Pulse of the Atlanta Metro Area

Two civil rights suits in the Atlanta metro area have received attention in the news recently.  Both concern claims of employment discrimination that allegedly took place in public or governmental institutions .

In the more notable case, the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals rejected an effort by Dekalb county to dismiss a lawsuit by Parks Department employees (current and former) alleging reverse racial discrimination.  The court found that after Vernon Jones became the CEO of Dekalb count — the youngest and first African-American to accomplish such a feat — he made it a point to remake the government of  Dekalb so that it would “look like Dekalb county” which apparently called for the creation of a “darker administration.”  Unfortunately, Jones would encounter some resistance to this plan in three white managers at the Parks Department.  If the facts as recounted by the court are to believed, the actions of Jones are blatantly discriminatory.  Here is a snippet from the opinion:

The plaintiffs presented evidence that Jones, upon taking office, boldly implemented a plan to create a “darker administration” by refusing to hire whites for open managerial positions, demoting or transferring already employed white managers, and filling the positions they had been occupying with blacks.  Jones, employing the assistance of Drew, Williams, and Stogner, targeted Kelley, Bryant, and Drake and endeavored to force them out of their positions by adversely altering their job responsibilities and otherwise undermining their authority.  The record contains several examples of the tactics Jones and his subordinates used.

On several occasions, Jones angrily confronted Kelley.  On one occasion, he approached her in a physically threatening manner.  Following this incident, Kelley was forbidden to speak to the press or to communicate with the Board of Commissioners, even though this was part of her job as Director of the Parks Department.  Jones stripped Kelley of her hiring authority, requiring her to interview candidates for vacancies with Williams.  After she and Williams conducted interviews for the position of Deputy Director of Recreation Services, Williams ignored her suggestion that a white male should be chosen because Jones wanted an African American in the position, irrespective of qualifications.  After complaining about the manner in which she was being treated, Stogner told Kelley that she failed to comprehend the overall political environment and could not understand or relate to “powerful black men.”  Signaling Jones’s intention to replace her with a black manager, Stogner told Kelley that Jones wanted “to showcase black parks and black employees.”  Eventually, Kelley was demoted (and subsequently replaced by Drew) and reassigned to the county’s Greenspace program, where her responsibilities were further curtailed.  She ultimately resigned.

The AJC has the story on the case here, Atlanta Unfiltered, here.

In another case, a professor from Kennesaw State University sued the school for gender discrimination.  The professor is female, the co-worker who she claims was unjustifiably promoted in place of her, is male.  Here is part of what the AJC has to say about it:

A female Kennesaw State University professor claims a male subordinate co-worker received a higher salary.

And when she complained about it, she was denied the opportunity for a promotion, according to a civil rights lawsuit filed against the university, KSU President Daniel Papp, and the state Board of Regents.

Mary Murray was hired as an assistant professor in the university’s department of computer science and information systems in August 2000. Five years later, she was promoted to the rank of associate professor, according to the suit, filed in the U.S. District Court in Atlanta.

In April 2007, Murray found out she was being paid less than Solomon Negash, according to the suit. In July 2007, she filed a gender discrimination charge with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

The following May, Murray complained to KSU about the pay discrepancy. In June 2008, Negash was promoted to associate professor, and was apparently going to continue to receive more compensation than Murray, according to the suit.

When she applied for promotion to professor, KSU “flatly refused to even consider it despite the fact that she was eligible for promotion … in retaliation for her opposition to unlawful gender discrimination,” the suit states.

The full story is here.